MEXICAN CONSULAR ID CARD

Mexican consular ID cards

For the estimated 8.5 million immigrants living illegally in the United States, daily life has always been precarious. Not only do they have no right to live and work in America, but many cannot prove their identity. The lack of identification prevents access to the few available public and private services and increases their fear of contact with the police and other official institutions. The events of September 11 and the subsequent vetting of illegal immigrants intensified this fear. Against this backdrop, many of the estimated 4.7 million Mexicans living illegally in the United States have resorted to a little-known identification document issued by the Mexican government, the Matrícula Consular. Mexican consular IDs provide illegal immigrants with a sense of security but have met with mixed reactions from public and private institutions.

A fierce debate over the merits of Mexican consular IDs has engulfed the public, politicians, the media, the private sector, immigration authorities, and law enforcement. Proponents of such programs argue that the IDs protect immigrants, their families, and their communities by making it easier for them to open bank accounts, access limited public services, and cooperate with authorities in solving crimes and other social ills. Critics, however, question whether undocumented immigrants should have access to such services and claim that Mexican consular ID programs subvert U.S. policy and encourage unauthorized immigration.

The outcome of this debate is likely to have significant consequences for millions of undocumented immigrants. It is also likely to influence the design of the United States' domestic security efforts. Understanding the debate requires examining several key aspects of Mexico's consular ID programs, including the large-scale Mexican program, the IDs' connection to immigrant banking and remittances, the impact on local law enforcement, and the prospects for the development of such programs in other countries.

Mexico's comprehensive identity card program

Mexican consulates have been issuing the Matrícula Consular, also known as the Matrícula, to Mexican citizens living abroad for 131 years. The Mexican Consular ID allows the Mexican government to register its citizens for consular and tax purposes, collect data about them, and grant them the basic human right: the ability to identify themselves.

Security of the Mexican Consular College
The Consular Matrícula is available to all Mexican citizens living abroad. Applications for the Matrícula must be submitted in person to consular officers. The applicant must present a Mexican birth certificate and a photo ID issued by a Mexican government agency (e.g., voter registration card, passport, military ID card, or expired Matrícula). If the applicant cannot provide these documents, the consulate will verify their identity through a background check with Mexican authorities. In addition, the applicant must provide proof of address in the United States, typically a utility bill. This address must be within the consular district of the issuing consulate. The information, card number, and a digital photograph of the applicant are recorded by the consulate and transmitted to a central registry in Mexico.

Critics argue that the documents used to verify identity and citizenship in issuing the cards can be forged. They cite a case in which a Mexican national arrested for immigration violations was found with three matriculation cards in different names. They also argue that it is possible for nationals of other countries to obtain a matriculation card through fraud.

Proponents argue that the Matrículas are comparable in security to driver's licenses issued by U.S. states. Thanks to sophisticated, tamper-evident holograms, the cards are extremely difficult to forge or alter. Proponents say the Matrículas will soon have a security feature that driver's licenses don't have: Mexico is building a computer network that will give all consulates instant access to cardholder information.

The cards identify the holder, confirm their Mexican citizenship, and provide their place of birth and U.S. address. They cost approximately $29 each and are valid for five years. The cards are issued regardless of immigration status and do not contain immigration information. Mexicans in the U.S. can and do legally use the Matrícula, especially when returning to Mexico. However, it is especially useful for undocumented people, as they are less likely to have passports, green cards, or other forms of identification.

Although the Matrículas are not new, a combination of factors caused the Matrícula to explode in popularity in late 2001 and early 2002. Initially, fears of identification following September 11 prompted Mexicans to apply for the card in droves.

In response to these concerns and increasing demand, the Mexican government began marketing the cards through its network of 47 consulates in the United States and established "mobile consulates" to distribute the Matrícula in communities without a consulate. This intensive outreach effort proved successful. In 2002, Mexico issued over 1.4 million of these cards in the United States alone, compared to 664,000 worldwide in 2001.

In addition, the Mexican government developed innovative strategies to make the Matrículas more useful to cardholders. Starting in early 2002, Mexico improved the Matrícula's security measures and the issuance process. Furthermore, the country conducted a well-organized campaign to inform U.S. banks, police departments, and governments about the new features and encourage them to accept the Matrícula as a valid identification document. The campaign addressed two fundamental needs of undocumented Mexican immigrants: the ability to identify themselves to local law enforcement and access to financial services for saving and remitting money.

Banking and remittances

Even before September 11, the lack of identification posed a problem for undocumented immigrants seeking to open bank accounts or send money home. Approximately 43 percent of Latinos in the U.S. do not have bank accounts, and a far larger share of undocumented Mexican immigrants do not. The lack of identification is one of the reasons why undocumented immigrants do not use banks. Excluded from the formal financial system, undocumented immigrants often cash paychecks at expensive check-cashing locations, save their earnings in cash, and use either unreliable informal networks or expensive remittance services to send money home. This makes them targets for robberies and burglaries, exposes them to high transaction costs, and represents untapped financial capital.

Remittances from Mexicans working abroad represent at least 1.1 percent of Mexico's GDP, making banking important both to Mexico's domestic economy and the well-being of its citizens abroad. Over the past two years, the Matrícula has helped Mexicans meet the documentation requirements of U.S. banks and opened a new market for these banks. Recently, over 70 banks and 56 credit unions accepted the Matrícula as one of the two identification documents typically required to open an account. These banks include major banks such as Citibank, Bank of America, U.S. Bancorp, and Wells Fargo. Wells Fargo estimates that it has used the Matrícula to open over 70,000 new accounts since it began accepting the card in November 2001.

Policymaking by both the Mexican and U.S. governments played a significant role in the acceptance of the Matrícula by established financial institutions. The Mexican government equipped the card with security features that satisfied U.S. banks and actively promoted the new card to major institutions in the industry. In July 2002, the U.S. Treasury Department issued a directive to banks explicitly stating that the "Know Your Customer" requirements of the new U.S. security law, the USA Patriot Act, did not prevent banks from using the Matrícula as a means of identity verification. However, it continued to encourage the card's use.

Local law enforcement

Local U.S. police and sheriff departments have been among the most enthusiastic supporters of consular ID cards. Nationwide, an estimated 800 departments accept the Matrícula as a valid form of identification. Many cities have also received scanners that allow officers to verify the cards' state-of-the-art security features.

Police authorities welcome the cards for the following reasons:
• By making it easier to use banks, the cards help immigrants avoid carrying or hoarding large amounts of cash, which makes them targets for robberies and burglaries. In some cases, police have even asked local banks to accept the Matrícula.
• An ID card encourages people to report crimes and come forward as witnesses. It also allows the police to keep better records.
• When police stop someone without ID for a minor offense, they are forced to hold them overnight, even though a citation would otherwise suffice. Furthermore, resources are wasted trying to identify detained undocumented immigrants.
• People without identification documents are more likely to flee when stopped by the police.
• The matrículas facilitate the identification of dead or unconscious people.
• Local police are generally not responsible for enforcing immigration laws, so immigration status is irrelevant for their purposes.

Further effects of the Matrícula

The impact of Mexican consular IDs is also felt in other areas.

The cards are used directly in a very narrow range of public and private services that require a high-quality ID but not proof of legal residency. Private companies now accept the Matrícula for opening utility and insurance accounts. USAir and Aeroméxis

Co and other airlines allow passengers to use the Matrícula for flights departing from the USA.

For example, local governments in 80 cities, including Tucson, Phoenix, Denver, Los Angeles, San Antonio, San Francisco, Chicago, Houston, and Dallas, accept the Matrícula for obtaining a library card, entering public buildings, obtaining business licenses, enrolling children in school, and accessing a few public services. At the state level, the most important use of the Matrícula is for obtaining a driver's license. Although most states now require proof of legal immigration status, approximately 13 states accept the Matrícula as proof of identity for issuing a driver's license.

However, acceptance of the matrícula is not uniform. In both Arizona and Colorado, at least one house of the state legislature has passed legislation prohibiting the use of the matrícula by state and local governments.

At the federal level, policy is inconsistent. Most federal programs require proof of legal residency, so the impact of the matriculation certificate has been minimal. A pilot program to accept the matriculation certificate for access to federal courts was discontinued due to political pressure. The Department of Homeland Security has not made any decisions explicitly affecting the matriculation certificate. The Transportation Safety Administration (TSA), for example, allows airlines to set their own criteria for accepting ID documents at check-in. A bill has been introduced in the U.S. Congress that would formally endorse the use of the matriculation certificate for banking transactions and prohibit federal agencies from accepting foreign-issued IDs other than passports.

Countries follow suit

Other countries are now trying to follow Mexico's example. Guatemalan consulates recently began issuing a similar card, which is now accepted by several banks. Peru plans to launch a pilot program within the next two months. Honduras, El Salvador, and Poland are also reportedly planning consular ID programs. No other country has provided such strong political and logistical support for such programs as Mexico. However, Mexico's success may have given them new momentum with U.S. governments and businesses, as well as in raising awareness among immigrants.

Consular ID programs, however, are nothing new. Guatemala, for example, has long issued passports to its citizens living abroad, regardless of their immigration status. Since 1999, these passports have been about as secure as Mexican matrículas and contain the same information except for the U.S. address. The requirements for issuing the passports are no more stringent than for national identity cards. Several other countries also issue passports through their consulates.

The popularity of consular ID cards could create new difficulties. If a large number of countries issue such ID cards, verifying their authenticity could become confusing and costly. If other countries introduce less secure consular ID cards, they could be confused with more secure documents such as the Mexican Matrícula. This could either compromise security or weaken confidence in the better ID cards.

Public perceptions of certain countries could also influence the acceptance of further consular ID programs in the United States. While the Mexican consular ID programs have generated relatively little concern among voters, the issuance of an equally secure ID card in a country like Pakistan could elicit different reactions. Each of these hypothetical situations highlights the need for a sound and coherent policy on this issue.

Research areas

Both consular ID cards and the increasing emphasis on identification as a security measure are relatively new political issues. Policymakers are now seeking answers to a number of questions, including:
• How secure are matrículas and other consular identification cards compared to government-issued driver's licenses, passports, and other forms of identification? How useful is identification as a security tool in general?
• Given the increasing prevalence of consular identification cards, does the United States, immigrants' countries of origin, or individual states have an interest in setting security standards for the cards? While stricter security measures, particularly in issuing the cards, increase confidence among U.S. authorities, they make identification more difficult for immigrants from poor and rural areas.
• What services can currently be accessed with consular IDs? The use of the matrícula outside of law enforcement and banking is not well documented. Services available to undocumented immigrants and ID requirements vary by state and local government. While this topic is related to the ongoing debate about what rights and privileges undocumented immigrants should have, a realistic assessment of the financial costs and social benefits of accepting the matrícula could inform the debate.
• What should consular IDs be accepted for and why? What are the actual benefits and risks of accepting the matriculation certificate?

h case? Using the ID cards for local law enforcement purposes may not have obvious disadvantages, but for other purposes, such as boarding airplanes or entering federal buildings, it's not entirely clear.
• What are best practices for other countries implementing consular identification programs? Mexico's experience with the Matrícula is one possible model, but other innovations are also under discussion. For example, the Philippines issues its expatriate workers an identity card that also serves as a bank card to encourage them to save and remit money.

Conclusion

The impact of consular ID cards in the United States, while far-reaching, remains unclear. Opponents of the programs argue that they provide a step toward de facto regularization by improving access to institutions and services for undocumented immigrants. They also raise concerns that the ID cards and the issuing process are not sufficiently secure and could be abused by criminal or terrorist elements.

Proponents of consular ID programs counter that accepting the card promotes law and order by encouraging undocumented immigrants to assist the police and use formal financial channels. They also argue that state-issued driver's licenses are equally imperfect security tools and point out that consular IDs do not in any way impede U.S. immigration enforcement. Ultimately, advocates argue, denying the card does nothing to prevent unwanted immigration but merely serves to further marginalize a population that contributes significantly to the American economy.

Many on both sides see the ID cards as a symptom of inconsistent immigration policy, but disagree on the solution. Critics see the ID cards as a necessity for strict enforcement of immigration laws; supporters see the problem in the lack of adequate legal migration channels.

The debate over consular identification continues and impacts a broad spectrum of U.S. policy. Federal, state, and local governments all have a stake in the outcome, as do the private sector, foreign governments, and the public. Those most affected could be millions of undocumented immigrants whose fates are influenced by the fate of consular identification programs.

Sources

Bair, Sheila. 2003. Statement before the Congressional Hispanic Caucus hearings on the Consular Matrícula Consular. Washington, March 26.

Dinerstein, Marti. 2003. ID Cards for Illegals. Center for Immigration Studies Backgrounder, Washington: CIS.

Mexican Embassy in the United States and Mexican Consulate in Washington, DC

Passels, Jeffrey. 2002. “New Estimates of the Undocumented Population in the United States.” Migration Information Source.

Suro, Robert, Sergio Bendixen, B. Lindsay Lowell, and Dulce C. Benavides. 2002. Billions in Motion: Latino Immigrants, Remittances, and Banking. Washington: Pew Hispanic Center.

United Nations. 2002. International Migration Report: 2002.